Josh Koehn

It was only the second of four elections this year to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, but it will almost certainly prove to be the decisive one as Supervisor <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/matt-haney-district-6-supervisor-on-why-hes-running/">Matt Haney</a> scored a dominating victory Tuesday over <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/david-campos-former-supervisor-and-longtime-party-leader-on-why-hes-running/">David Campos</a> in a special election.&nbsp;

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It was only the second of four elections this year to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, but it will almost certainly prove to be the decisive one as Supervisor <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/matt-haney-district-6-supervisor-on-why-hes-running/">Matt Haney</a> scored a dominating victory Tuesday over <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/david-campos-former-supervisor-and-longtime-party-leader-on-why-hes-running/">David Campos</a> in a special election.&nbsp;

Results for the Assembly District 17 runoff—<a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/campos-haney-april-election-results/">near-final returns</a> had Haney taking 63.3% of the vote—suggest the District 6 supervisor’s ideological shift over the last year, as he rebranded himself from a San Francisco progressive to something more moderate, was a savvy strategy. But it’s unclear if that change represented a genuine evolution of thought, particularly on the issue of housing, or a calculated plan to mirror the path others have taken to political prominence.

Results for the Assembly District 17 runoff—<a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/elections/campos-haney-april-election-results/">near-final returns</a> had Haney taking 63.3% of the vote—suggest the District 6 supervisor’s ideological shift over the last year, as he rebranded himself from a San Francisco progressive to something more moderate, was a savvy strategy. But it’s unclear if that change represented a genuine evolution of thought, particularly on the issue of housing, or a calculated plan to mirror the path others have taken to political prominence.

The Standard spoke with almost a dozen sources at City Hall and the Capitol—including people close to both Haney and Campos’ campaigns, community organizers in San Francisco and longtime Bay Area political consultants—to get a sense of what San Franciscans should expect from its next assemblymember, and whether the results of this race are indicative of a less progressive electorate in San Francisco.&nbsp;

The Standard spoke with almost a dozen sources at City Hall and the Capitol—including people close to both Haney and Campos’ campaigns, community organizers in San Francisco and longtime Bay Area political consultants—to get a sense of what San Franciscans should expect from its next assemblymember, and whether the results of this race are indicative of a less progressive electorate in San Francisco.&nbsp;

While the low voter turnout makes it difficult to foreshadow the future of political races in the city, there is no doubt that the multiple crises San Francisco is facing—an intractable housing crunch, the opioid epidemic in the Tenderloin, and growing anxiety over public safety—played a huge role in how Tuesday’s race shook out.&nbsp;

While the low voter turnout makes it difficult to foreshadow the future of political races in the city, there is no doubt that the multiple crises San Francisco is facing—an intractable housing crunch, the opioid epidemic in the Tenderloin, and growing anxiety over public safety—played a huge role in how Tuesday’s race shook out.&nbsp;

Haney has been described as a friendly, studious, inoffensive ally, but one who has&nbsp; also ruffled feathers with political opportunism. Many forget that it was Haney’s attempt at being woke while serving on the Board of Education that created the school renaming mess that contributed to three board members being recalled in February.&nbsp;

Haney has been described as a friendly, studious, inoffensive ally, but one who has&nbsp; also ruffled feathers with political opportunism. Many forget that it was Haney’s attempt at being woke while serving on the Board of Education that created the school renaming mess that contributed to three board members being recalled in February.&nbsp;

“He has run away from his super-left record,” said David Latterman, a Bay Area political consultant with two decades of experience. “While it is true that he is kind of the amorphous blob that he is, he’s not a dyed-in-the-wool progressive. He’s been able to say enough things to moderates and the housing folks and the young people to make them happy.”

“He has run away from his super-left record,” said David Latterman, a Bay Area political consultant with two decades of experience. “While it is true that he is kind of the amorphous blob that he is, he’s not a dyed-in-the-wool progressive. He’s been able to say enough things to moderates and the housing folks and the young people to make them happy.”

Haney’s victory Tuesday in some ways is a testament to his ability to distance himself from his own record in 2018, when he easily won a seat on the Board of Supervisors despite opposing Sen. Scott Wiener’s SB 35 housing bill and offering limp support of development projects outside of District 6. His more recent about-face on housing helped him secure the support of <a href="https://yimbyaction.org/2021/">YIMBY Action</a> and other pro-housing groups in the city, a crucial step in differentiating himself from Campos.

Haney’s victory Tuesday in some ways is a testament to his ability to distance himself from his own record in 2018, when he easily won a seat on the Board of Supervisors despite opposing Sen. Scott Wiener’s SB 35 housing bill and offering limp support of development projects outside of District 6. His more recent about-face on housing helped him secure the support of <a href="https://yimbyaction.org/2021/">YIMBY Action</a> and other pro-housing groups in the city, a crucial step in differentiating himself from Campos.

“It took [Haney] a while,” said Laura Foote, the executive director of pro-housing group YIMBY Action, which endorsed Haney after working with him during his three-plus years as a supervisor. “He had to go through the experience of seeing all the roadblocks to building housing in San Francisco.”

“It took [Haney] a while,” said Laura Foote, the executive director of pro-housing group YIMBY Action, which endorsed Haney after working with him during his three-plus years as a supervisor. “He had to go through the experience of seeing all the roadblocks to building housing in San Francisco.”

Haney’s campaign also made a smart move tactically by having him move closer to the center to fend off an unexpectedly strong challenge from third-place primary finisher Bilal Mahmood. That maneuver set Haney up to absorb much of Mahmood’s supporters following a post-primary endorsement.

Haney’s campaign also made a smart move tactically by having him move closer to the center to fend off an unexpectedly strong challenge from third-place primary finisher Bilal Mahmood. That maneuver set Haney up to absorb much of Mahmood’s supporters following a post-primary endorsement.

Haney, who did not make himself available for an interview for this story, not only had a bigger campaign war chest than Campos, but he also benefited from $1.7 million in spending by independent expenditure committees over the course of the primary and runoff. That avalanche of outside spending shouldn’t be discounted. A torrent of mail propped Haney up on housing while taking Campos to task for everything from his work history with <a href="https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/chesa-boudin-recall/">District Attorney Chesa Boudin</a>, who is facing a recall, to votes Campos cast a decade ago when he served on the Board of Supervisors.

Haney, who did not make himself available for an interview for this story, not only had a bigger campaign war chest than Campos, but he also benefited from $1.7 million in spending by independent expenditure committees over the course of the primary and runoff. That avalanche of outside spending shouldn’t be discounted. A torrent of mail propped Haney up on housing while taking Campos to task for everything from his work history with <a href="https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/chesa-boudin-recall/">District Attorney Chesa Boudin</a>, who is facing a recall, to votes Campos cast a decade ago when he served on the Board of Supervisors.

“Haney has run a better campaign,” Latterman said. “He has more money (than Campos), but Haney and his team have run a decent campaign. He’s done a pretty good job not ticking anybody off.”&nbsp;

“Haney has run a better campaign,” Latterman said. “He has more money (than Campos), but Haney and his team have run a decent campaign. He’s done a pretty good job not ticking anybody off.”&nbsp;

Of course, it didn’t hurt that Campos ran a campaign that most observers considered to be anachronistic and even grating at times. In many ways, he relied on the same progressive playbook that led him to a similar Assembly race defeat in 2014: not taking money from corporations, focusing on identity politics and framing the discussion on housing in binary terms in which affordable homes are mostly pitted against luxury condos.&nbsp;

Of course, it didn’t hurt that Campos ran a campaign that most observers considered to be anachronistic and even grating at times. In many ways, he relied on the same progressive playbook that led him to a similar Assembly race defeat in 2014: not taking money from corporations, focusing on identity politics and framing the discussion on housing in binary terms in which affordable homes are mostly pitted against luxury condos.&nbsp;

If the Asian American vote was truly as sacrosanct in this race as both candidates have acknowledged in recent months, the absence of the late Chinatown boss Rose Pak probably hurt Campos more than his campaign initially realized. Pak spearheaded a get-out-the-vote operation on Campos’ behalf in a close Assembly loss in 2014 to David Chiu, whose resignation last year to become San Francisco’s city attorney prompted this year’s race.

If the Asian American vote was truly as sacrosanct in this race as both candidates have acknowledged in recent months, the absence of the late Chinatown boss Rose Pak probably hurt Campos more than his campaign initially realized. Pak spearheaded a get-out-the-vote operation on Campos’ behalf in a close Assembly loss in 2014 to David Chiu, whose resignation last year to become San Francisco’s city attorney prompted this year’s race.

Campos also has a well-established reputation for irritating the very people who would seem to be his obvious allies. Only one of the city’s two major LGBTQ+ organizations endorsed Campos, who is openly gay, and Equality California—the state’s largest LGBTQ+ group—decided to sit out the race entirely, a red flag considering how outspoken the group has been on behalf of Sen. Wiener and other out legislators.

Campos also has a well-established reputation for irritating the very people who would seem to be his obvious allies. Only one of the city’s two major LGBTQ+ organizations endorsed Campos, who is openly gay, and Equality California—the state’s largest LGBTQ+ group—decided to sit out the race entirely, a red flag considering how outspoken the group has been on behalf of Sen. Wiener and other out legislators.

Campos’ focus on being corporate-free might have resonated in the days when Bernie Sanders had liberal arts majors swooning, but the pandemic and issues the city is facing this very moment have superseded noble gestures on campaign cash.

Campos’ focus on being corporate-free might have resonated in the days when Bernie Sanders had liberal arts majors swooning, but the pandemic and issues the city is facing this very moment have superseded noble gestures on campaign cash.

Perhaps the most glaring example of Campos failing to read the room occurred just two days after mail-in ballots went out to voters last month, as he told a group of supporters at the Bernal Heights Recreation Center that his campaign was “<a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/gross-san-franciscans-react-to-campos-comparison-to-ukrainians/">fighting and running like Ukrainians</a>” in an effort to defeat Haney.&nbsp;

Perhaps the most glaring example of Campos failing to read the room occurred just two days after mail-in ballots went out to voters last month, as he told a group of supporters at the Bernal Heights Recreation Center that his campaign was “<a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/gross-san-franciscans-react-to-campos-comparison-to-ukrainians/">fighting and running like Ukrainians</a>” in an effort to defeat Haney.&nbsp;

If that seemed ill-advised, the rest of this year’s electoral calendar could inspire even more groans.

If that seemed ill-advised, the rest of this year’s electoral calendar could inspire even more groans.

In an interview earlier this month, Campos told The Standard that winning is his only focus—even if that means he needs to challenge Haney again in June when voters will be forced to weigh in once again on who should represent AD 17 for a full term spanning 2023 to 2024. The top-two finishers in that race are guaranteed to advance to a runoff in November, regardless of whether voters feel emotionally equipped.

In an interview earlier this month, Campos told The Standard that winning is his only focus—even if that means he needs to challenge Haney again in June when voters will be forced to weigh in once again on who should represent AD 17 for a full term spanning 2023 to 2024. The top-two finishers in that race are guaranteed to advance to a runoff in November, regardless of whether voters feel emotionally equipped.

New district lines, which were redrawn last year to include the city’s southwest side, suggest that the races this summer and fall will feature an even larger bloc of moderate voters, adding to Haney’s advantage as an incumbent. And yet, Campos pulled papers to run last year and is giving every indication he is determined to grimly carry on.

New district lines, which were redrawn last year to include the city’s southwest side, suggest that the races this summer and fall will feature an even larger bloc of moderate voters, adding to Haney’s advantage as an incumbent. And yet, Campos pulled papers to run last year and is giving every indication he is determined to grimly carry on.

Tuesday’s victory will give Haney the rest of the year to find his footing in Sacramento and essentially cast roll call votes on the state budget. As one of 80 assemblymembers, his vote will frequently land with the rest of the Democrats, who hold a supermajority in the Legislature.&nbsp;

Tuesday’s victory will give Haney the rest of the year to find his footing in Sacramento and essentially cast roll call votes on the state budget. As one of 80 assemblymembers, his vote will frequently land with the rest of the Democrats, who hold a supermajority in the Legislature.&nbsp;

His legacy will largely depend on his ability to follow through on his newly crafted image and author transformative policy to address California’s housing crisis.

His legacy will largely depend on his ability to follow through on his newly crafted image and author transformative policy to address California’s housing crisis.

Analysis: Haney dominates Campos by shrewdly following shifting political winds

Anna Tong

Two dozen of San Francisco’s top YIMBYs gathered in a spacious Bernal Heights backyard in September to discuss the movement founder’s latest venture: a $1 million cash reserve to take San Francisco to court should it stymie any new housing projects.

Two dozen of San Francisco’s top YIMBYs gathered in a spacious Bernal Heights backyard in September to discuss the movement founder’s latest venture: a $1 million cash reserve to take San Francisco to court should it stymie any new housing projects.

YIMBY founder Sonja Trauss, who led a group discussion about the annals of housing policy while soothing her newborn baby, likened the Sue San Francisco Fund to a denial-of-service (DoS) attack on the city, referring to a type of cyber strike that paralyzes its target by blitzing it with an overwhelming number of requests.

YIMBY founder Sonja Trauss, who led a group discussion about the annals of housing policy while soothing her newborn baby, likened the Sue San Francisco Fund to a denial-of-service (DoS) attack on the city, referring to a type of cyber strike that paralyzes its target by blitzing it with an overwhelming number of requests.

“The denial-of-service portion is because we could send threatening letters for every single missed housing deadline,” Trauss said, describing the money as <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/woman-stockpiling-cash-to-sue-sf-over-housing/">ready-to-go ammunition</a> to sue San Francisco over housing deadlock.

“The denial-of-service portion is because we could send threatening letters for every single missed housing deadline,” Trauss said, describing the money as <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/woman-stockpiling-cash-to-sue-sf-over-housing/">ready-to-go ammunition</a> to sue San Francisco over housing deadlock.

The crowd of mostly male tech workers—the “<a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=aeUlEAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA138&amp;lpg=PA138&amp;dq=conor+dougherty+%22hoodie+caucus%22&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=1KRe-pnlN8&amp;sig=ACfU3U0DuAccYcX1Z4edv8L-PgDGyS8C-A&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwjHpI35mIv7AhVgDkQIHWWWD0oQ6AF6BAgNEAM#v=onepage&amp;q=conor%20dougherty%20%22hoodie%20caucus%22&amp;f=false" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">hoodie caucus</a>,” in the words of one industry observer—rippled with excitement. This was a problem that could be solved with software and automation, which was squarely in their domain.

The crowd of mostly male tech workers—the “<a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=aeUlEAAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA138&amp;lpg=PA138&amp;dq=conor+dougherty+%22hoodie+caucus%22&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=1KRe-pnlN8&amp;sig=ACfU3U0DuAccYcX1Z4edv8L-PgDGyS8C-A&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwjHpI35mIv7AhVgDkQIHWWWD0oQ6AF6BAgNEAM#v=onepage&amp;q=conor%20dougherty%20%22hoodie%20caucus%22&amp;f=false" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">hoodie caucus</a>,” in the words of one industry observer—rippled with excitement. This was a problem that could be solved with software and automation, which was squarely in their domain.

“We could make it so that every time the city does something out of compliance, we automatically generate a lawsuit letter, kind of like DoNotPay,” offered one sandals-clad engineer, referring to a website that calls itself “the world’s first robot lawyer.”

“We could make it so that every time the city does something out of compliance, we automatically generate a lawsuit letter, kind of like DoNotPay,” offered one sandals-clad engineer, referring to a website that calls itself “the world’s first robot lawyer.”

For the rest of the evening, the group nerded out on one arcane housing acronym to the next. The mood was celebratory.

For the rest of the evening, the group nerded out on one arcane housing acronym to the next. The mood was celebratory.

Sonja Trauss speaks to YIMBY organizers and board members at an event in San Francisco, Calif., on Thursday, September 29, 2022. Trauss is the executive director and founder of YIMBY Law, an organization that enforces housing laws in California and facilitates community organizing around housing issues. | Juliana Yamada for The Standard

<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YimbyMaturation090922_FEATURE.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88128"/><figcaption>Sonja Trauss speaks to YIMBY organizers and board members at an event in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2022. | Juliana Yamada for The Standard</figcaption></figure>

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<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YimbyMaturation090922_FEATURE.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88128"/><figcaption>Sonja Trauss speaks to YIMBY organizers and board members at an event in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2022. | Juliana Yamada for The Standard</figcaption></figure>

YIMBYs—the “yes in my backyard” housing boosters—have reason to be optimistic.

YIMBYs—the “yes in my backyard” housing boosters—have reason to be optimistic.

To borrow a phrase from tech, their cause has been in hyper-growth mode. In about a decade, Trauss went from a lone dissenter facing off against neighborhood activists in San Francisco Planning Commission meetings to the figurehead for a sprawling <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2022/03/31/where-pro-housing-groups-are-emerging/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">movement with 140 groups in 29 states</a> that goes toe-to-toe with local politicians and homeowners over housing construction.

To borrow a phrase from tech, their cause has been in hyper-growth mode. In about a decade, Trauss went from a lone dissenter facing off against neighborhood activists in San Francisco Planning Commission meetings to the figurehead for a sprawling <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2022/03/31/where-pro-housing-groups-are-emerging/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">movement with 140 groups in 29 states</a> that goes toe-to-toe with local politicians and homeowners over housing construction.

But on their home turf, YIMBYs have watched their goals slip seemingly further and further out of reach. Last year, the city authorized <a href="https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/reports/2021_Housing_Inventory.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">43% fewer units</a> than its 10-year average. The Board of Supervisors has recently thwarted projects like a high-rise on an empty parking lot, <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/happy-one-year-anniversary-to-sfs-peak-nimby-moment/">drawing protests</a>. In comparison, California as a whole has nearly tripled the number of annual housing permits issued in the last decade, according to the Census Bureau.

But on their home turf, YIMBYs have watched their goals slip seemingly further and further out of reach. Last year, the city authorized <a href="https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/reports/2021_Housing_Inventory.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">43% fewer units</a> than its 10-year average. The Board of Supervisors has recently thwarted projects like a high-rise on an empty parking lot, <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/happy-one-year-anniversary-to-sfs-peak-nimby-moment/">drawing protests</a>. In comparison, California as a whole has nearly tripled the number of annual housing permits issued in the last decade, according to the Census Bureau.

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The San Francisco YIMBYs—many of whom are tech founders who got rich from thinking big—are fed up with incrementalism.

The San Francisco YIMBYs—many of whom are tech founders who got rich from thinking big—are fed up with incrementalism.

Forget trudging to City Hall to kiss politicians’ rings or sparring with neighborhood activists at planning meetings. YIMBYs and developers now believe that public support for housing, wealthy donors and state backing have created a perfect storm that will allow the building process to circumvent San Francisco city government entirely.

Forget trudging to City Hall to kiss politicians’ rings or sparring with neighborhood activists at planning meetings. YIMBYs and developers now believe that public support for housing, wealthy donors and state backing have created a perfect storm that will allow the building process to circumvent San Francisco city government entirely.

First up is Proposition D on the November ballot, where San Francisco voters will decide whether to streamline the construction of certain apartment projects, both affordable and market-rate. YIMBYs and their allies gathered signatures for the measure after the Board of Supervisors twice prevented Mayor London Breed’s attempt to get it passed. In a testament to their political might, the campaign has <a href="https://sfethics.org/ethics/2022/07/campaign-finance-dashboards-november-8-2022.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">raised over $2.3 million</a> so far.

First up is Proposition D on the November ballot, where San Francisco voters will decide whether to streamline the construction of certain apartment projects, both affordable and market-rate. YIMBYs and their allies gathered signatures for the measure after the Board of Supervisors twice prevented Mayor London Breed’s attempt to get it passed. In a testament to their political might, the campaign has <a href="https://sfethics.org/ethics/2022/07/campaign-finance-dashboards-november-8-2022.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">raised over $2.3 million</a> so far.

<h2 class="wp-block-heading">Birth of a Movement—and Its Critics</h2>

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<h2>Birth of a Movement—and Its Critics</h2>

Nowadays, San Francisco may be better known for its tech companies than political activism. But it was the city’s tech boom that laid the groundwork for what has become an unusually successful activist movement.

Nowadays, San Francisco may be better known for its tech companies than political activism. But it was the city’s tech boom that laid the groundwork for what has become an unusually successful activist movement.

A YIMBY writ large is a person who believes that rising rents, homelessness and inequality could be solved if cities allow for denser housing. The San Francisco of the past decade—when rising rents collided with fewer homes getting built—catalyzed the yes-in-my-backyard movement.&nbsp;

A YIMBY writ large is a person who believes that rising rents, homelessness and inequality could be solved if cities allow for denser housing. The San Francisco of the past decade—when rising rents collided with fewer homes getting built—catalyzed the yes-in-my-backyard movement.&nbsp;

In the eyes of many locals, the skyrocketing startup sector was to blame for the housing crisis: Techies were clogging their neighborhoods, driving up rents and turning the city into a gentrifying playground for the rich. Protestors <a href="https://www.vox.com/2014/4/2/11625220/splashy-tactics-tech-shuttle-protestor-vomits-on-yahoo-bus" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">vomited on a Yahoo corporate shuttle</a>, as graffiti reading “Die techie scum” sprouted in the Mission District.&nbsp;Many believed that the housing market had become so out of whack that there was no way new market-rate housing could be affordable.

In the eyes of many locals, the skyrocketing startup sector was to blame for the housing crisis: Techies were clogging their neighborhoods, driving up rents and turning the city into a gentrifying playground for the rich. Protestors <a href="https://www.vox.com/2014/4/2/11625220/splashy-tactics-tech-shuttle-protestor-vomits-on-yahoo-bus" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">vomited on a Yahoo corporate shuttle</a>, as graffiti reading “Die techie scum” sprouted in the Mission District.&nbsp;Many believed that the housing market had become so out of whack that there was no way new market-rate housing could be affordable.

Ten years ago, Trauss was new to the Bay Area and struggling to afford rent. But she saw the housing issues differently.

Ten years ago, Trauss was new to the Bay Area and struggling to afford rent. But she saw the housing issues differently.

She had just come from St. Louis and Philadelphia, two places that didn’t have enough jobs, and she had seen what too few jobs did to a city.

She had just come from St. Louis and Philadelphia, two places that didn’t have enough jobs, and she had seen what too few jobs did to a city.

“It was just so unbelievable for people to be like, &#8216;Our big civic issue is too many jobs,&#8217;” she said. “The problem was too little housing.”

“It was just so unbelievable for people to be like, 'Our big civic issue is too many jobs,'” she said. “The problem was too little housing.”

“It was just so unbelievable for people to be like, &#8216;Our big civic issue is too many jobs,&#8217;” she said. “The problem was too little housing.”

The real culprit, she said? It was NIMBYs—an acronym for “not in my backyard,” or neighbors who oppose housing construction—often the loudest voices in the room when city officials decided whether to approve new housing projects, according to Trauss.

The real culprit, she said? It was NIMBYs—an acronym for “not in my backyard,” or neighbors who oppose housing construction—often the loudest voices in the room when city officials decided whether to approve new housing projects, according to Trauss.

So in 2014, Trauss decided to take a day off work to go to San Francisco City Hall to counteract the NIMBYs, according to Golden Gates, a book documenting the rise of YIMBY. A few months later, she convinced a group of fellow millennials to speak in favor of housing developments, garnering coverage in the likes of The San Francisco Examiner, Vox and Bloomberg. By the year’s end, Yelp CEO Jeremy Stoppelman gave Trauss $10,000, enabling her to quit her teaching job to become a full-time activist.

So in 2014, Trauss decided to take a day off work to go to San Francisco City Hall to counteract the NIMBYs, according to Golden Gates, a book documenting the rise of YIMBY. A few months later, she convinced a group of fellow millennials to speak in favor of housing developments, garnering coverage in the likes of The San Francisco Examiner, Vox and Bloomberg. By the year’s end, Yelp CEO Jeremy Stoppelman gave Trauss $10,000, enabling her to quit her teaching job to become a full-time activist.

Over the next several years, Trauss’ activism evolved from City Hall gadfly-ism into real political clout. Laura Foote, a political organizer, joined forces with Trauss and assembled a foot army that helped then-Supervisor Scott Wiener get elected to the state Senate.

Over the next several years, Trauss’ activism evolved from City Hall gadfly-ism into real political clout. Laura Foote, a political organizer, joined forces with Trauss and assembled a foot army that helped then-Supervisor Scott Wiener get elected to the state Senate.

Foote said a lot of the movement’s organizational success revolved around fostering a community who clearly understood the organization’s goals, and then empowering them through a decentralized management structure. For example, the organization has 35 volunteer leads who don’t need approval from an official employee to carry out important tasks like sending out newsletters.

Foote said a lot of the movement’s organizational success revolved around fostering a community who clearly understood the organization’s goals, and then empowering them through a decentralized management structure. For example, the organization has 35 volunteer leads who don’t need approval from an official employee to carry out important tasks like sending out newsletters.

President Barack Obama chats with then San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom in 2010. Both politicians made increased housing a priority during their tenures.  | Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images

<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YIMBYmaturation_INLINED03.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88147"/><figcaption>President Barack Obama chats with then-San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom in 2010. Both politicians made increased housing a priority during their tenures. | Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images</figcaption></figure>

But there were major bumps in the road. In 2018, the YIMBYs ran a <a href="https://prop.yimbyaction.org/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">failed ballot initiative</a> to streamline certain types of construction. Trauss ran to represent the SoMa district on the Board of Supervisors and got trounced by Matt Haney, who was then firmly aligned with the city’s progressive political faction. Once equating a lack of desire to build housing in the Mission to xenophobia, Trauss herself really pissed people off.&nbsp;

But there were major bumps in the road. In 2018, the YIMBYs ran a <a href="https://prop.yimbyaction.org/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">failed ballot initiative</a> to streamline certain types of construction. Trauss ran to represent the SoMa district on the Board of Supervisors and got trounced by Matt Haney, who was then firmly aligned with the city’s progressive political faction. Once equating a lack of desire to build housing in the Mission to xenophobia, Trauss herself really pissed people off.&nbsp;

Since then, political winds have shifted dramatically: As San Francisco’s Downtown <a href="https://sfstandard.com/business/san-francisco-braces-for-epic-commercial-real-estate-crash/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">emptied out during Covid</a>, the anti-tech narrative lost steam.

Since then, political winds have shifted dramatically: As San Francisco’s Downtown <a href="https://sfstandard.com/business/san-francisco-braces-for-epic-commercial-real-estate-crash/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">emptied out during Covid</a>, the anti-tech narrative lost steam.

Today, politicians ranging from Gov. Gavin Newsom and former President Barack Obama to current President Joe Biden have made more housing a key initiative. And the movement succeeded in turning “NIMBY” into a derogatory term for selfish homeowners—often in wealthy communities—who don’t want new buildings, let alone people, in their backyards.

Today, politicians ranging from Gov. Gavin Newsom and former President Barack Obama to current President Joe Biden have made more housing a key initiative. And the movement succeeded in turning “NIMBY” into a derogatory term for selfish homeowners—often in wealthy communities—who don’t want new buildings, let alone people, in their backyards.

New pro-housing groups are forming at a strong clip, according to a recent <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2022/03/31/where-pro-housing-groups-are-emerging/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Brookings Institute study</a>. Of the 140 identified, 24 were in the Bay Area—the biggest and oldest of which is San Francisco-based YIMBY Action, with 10 full-time staff, nearly 2,500 dues-paying members and many more non-dues-paying members. Another group, the statewide California YIMBY, boasts 15 full-time staffers and 80,000 members after only five years in existence. California YIMBY has sponsored 17 statewide bills, which have been key in weakening local officials&#8217; ability to block construction.

New pro-housing groups are forming at a strong clip, according to a recent <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2022/03/31/where-pro-housing-groups-are-emerging/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Brookings Institute study</a>. Of the 140 identified, 24 were in the Bay Area—the biggest and oldest of which is San Francisco-based YIMBY Action, with 10 full-time staff, nearly 2,500 dues-paying members and many more non-dues-paying members. Another group, the statewide California YIMBY, boasts 15 full-time staffers and 80,000 members after only five years in existence. California YIMBY has sponsored 17 statewide bills, which have been key in weakening local officials' ability to block construction.

New pro-housing groups are forming at a strong clip, according to a recent <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2022/03/31/where-pro-housing-groups-are-emerging/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Brookings Institute study</a>. Of the 140 identified, 24 were in the Bay Area—the biggest and oldest of which is San Francisco-based YIMBY Action, with 10 full-time staff, nearly 2,500 dues-paying members and many more non-dues-paying members. Another group, the statewide California YIMBY, boasts 15 full-time staffers and 80,000 members after only five years in existence. California YIMBY has sponsored 17 statewide bills, which have been key in weakening local officials&#8217; ability to block construction.

<h2 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-stymied-in-san-francisco">Stymied in San Francisco</h2>

<h2 id="h-stymied-in-san-francisco">Stymied in San Francisco</h2>

Despite the momentum in recent years, San Francisco’s politicians have failed to authorize more housing.

Despite the momentum in recent years, San Francisco’s politicians have failed to authorize more housing.

A year ago, San Francisco politicians rejected a 495-unit high-rise in SoMa that was to be built on a parking lot, citing <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/supervisors-under-fire-vote-against-proposed-soma-apartment-building-sparks-furor-may-violate-state-law/">shadows and concern about gentrification</a>. Weeks before that, the same politicians unanimously rejected a 316-unit development in the Tenderloin—a project that was previously authorized by the Planning Department—over concerns that it <a href="https://therealdeal.com/sanfrancisco/2021/10/06/city-rejects-micro-homes-project-in-tenderloin/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">would become a “tech dorm”</a> instead of family housing.

A year ago, San Francisco politicians rejected a 495-unit high-rise in SoMa that was to be built on a parking lot, citing <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/supervisors-under-fire-vote-against-proposed-soma-apartment-building-sparks-furor-may-violate-state-law/">shadows and concern about gentrification</a>. Weeks before that, the same politicians unanimously rejected a 316-unit development in the Tenderloin—a project that was previously authorized by the Planning Department—over concerns that it <a href="https://therealdeal.com/sanfrancisco/2021/10/06/city-rejects-micro-homes-project-in-tenderloin/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">would become a “tech dorm”</a> instead of family housing.

An aerial of the parking lot at 469 Stevenson Street in  the Tenderloin District of San Francisco, Calif. on October 28, 2021. Local politicians rejected building housing on the location citing shadows to the adjacent neighbors and that it might encourage gentrification to the area. | The Standard

<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YIMBYmaturation_INLINED04.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88153"/><figcaption>An aerial of the parking lot at 469 Stevenson St. in the SoMa District of San Francisco on Oct. 28, 2021 | The Standard</figcaption></figure>

Critics of the YIMBY movement say that they aren&#8217;t opposed to building housing, it&#8217;s that they believe the government needs to focus on getting below-market-rate housing built.

Critics of the YIMBY movement say that they aren't opposed to building housing, it's that they believe the government needs to focus on getting below-market-rate housing built.

Critics of the YIMBY movement say that they aren&#8217;t opposed to building housing, it&#8217;s that they believe the government needs to focus on getting below-market-rate housing built.

“It’s a fantasy that somehow more supply will start driving the price of housing down,” said Joseph Smooke, who in 2015 architected a failed ballot initiative to halt the construction of market-rate housing in the Mission, citing gentrification and displacement. “Could we embark on an accountable system for creating housing for people without relying on the market? Probably.”

“It’s a fantasy that somehow more supply will start driving the price of housing down,” said Joseph Smooke, who in 2015 architected a failed ballot initiative to halt the construction of market-rate housing in the Mission, citing gentrification and displacement. “Could we embark on an accountable system for creating housing for people without relying on the market? Probably.”

Critics also contend that YIMBYism is just a convenient way for the real estate industry to rebrand itself. Walk into any local YIMBY meeting, and the majority of attendees will be people who can afford luxury condos: white, male tech workers.

Critics also contend that YIMBYism is just a convenient way for the real estate industry to rebrand itself. Walk into any local YIMBY meeting, and the majority of attendees will be people who can afford luxury condos: white, male tech workers.

&#8220;It’s beyond absurd that YIMBY—the very folks who are fine with demolishing people’s homes, evicting people and minimizing affordable housing mandates in our City—would accuse me of being &#8216;anti-housing&#8217; &#8230; [YIMBYism] is not pro-housing, it is pro-developer, plain and simple,&#8221; said Supervisor Dean Preston, who regularly squabbles with YIMBYs on Twitter. He staunchly defends his housing record, citing his two decades as an eviction defense attorney and support of affordable housing.

"It’s beyond absurd that YIMBY—the very folks who are fine with demolishing people’s homes, evicting people and minimizing affordable housing mandates in our City—would accuse me of being 'anti-housing' ... [YIMBYism] is not pro-housing, it is pro-developer, plain and simple," said Supervisor Dean Preston, who regularly squabbles with YIMBYs on Twitter. He staunchly defends his housing record, citing his two decades as an eviction defense attorney and support of affordable housing.

&#8220;It’s beyond absurd that YIMBY—the very folks who are fine with demolishing people’s homes, evicting people and minimizing affordable housing mandates in our City—would accuse me of being &#8216;anti-housing&#8217; &#8230; [YIMBYism] is not pro-housing, it is pro-developer, plain and simple,&#8221; said Supervisor Dean Preston, who regularly squabbles with YIMBYs on Twitter. He staunchly defends his housing record, citing his two decades as an eviction defense attorney and support of affordable housing.

<h2 class="wp-block-heading">Bigger, Bolder Plans</h2>

The YIMBYs have all but given up on arguing their side in Planning Commission meetings, instead setting their sights on bigger plans.&nbsp;

The YIMBYs have all but given up on arguing their side in Planning Commission meetings, instead setting their sights on bigger plans.&nbsp;

Among their current targets is a statute in the annals of California housing law, <a href="https://twitter.com/CSElmendorf/status/1080250998549995520" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">re-surfaced on Twitter</a> by the UC Davis law professor Chris Elmendorf in 2019.

Among their current targets is a statute in the annals of California housing law, <a href="https://twitter.com/CSElmendorf/status/1080250998549995520" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">re-surfaced on Twitter</a> by the UC Davis law professor Chris Elmendorf in 2019.

Called the “builder’s remedy,” the statute kicks in when cities don’t have a state-approved housing plan to accommodate projected population growth. At that point, cities are powerless to stop certain types of construction.

Called the “builder’s remedy,” the statute kicks in when cities don’t have a state-approved housing plan to accommodate projected population growth. At that point, cities are powerless to stop certain types of construction.

Construction at the UC Hastings Student Housing at 198 McAllister St in Tenderloin-Hayes Point, 198 McAllister Street in San Francisco on Wednesday, Sep 21, 2022. The building is an example of a major residential development that made it through the lengthy San Francisco permitting process. | Felix Uribe Jr for The Standard

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img height="1667" width="2500" src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YIMBYmaturation_INLINED06-2500x1667.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88157"/><figcaption>Construction at the UC Hastings Student Housing at 198 McAllister St. in Tenderloin-Hayes Point on Sept. 21, 2022 | Felix Uribe Jr. for The Standard</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YIMBYmaturation_INLINED06-2500x1667.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88157"/><figcaption>Construction at the UC Hastings Student Housing at 198 McAllister St. in Tenderloin-Hayes Point on Sept. 21, 2022 | Felix Uribe Jr. for The Standard</figcaption></figure>

Before this year, utilization of the builder’s remedy had only been attempted once, in 1991, Elmendorf said. But as state housing targets ramp up, a Santa Monica developer recently <a href="https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-24/santa-monica-housing-apartment-boom" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">submitted a plan to build 4,500 units using the builder’s remedy,</a> which would be more housing than Santa Monica has built in the past decade. (A “stunned” <a href="https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-24/santa-monica-housing-apartment-boom" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Santa Monica councilmember called the plan “beyond the pale.”</a>)

Before this year, utilization of the builder’s remedy had only been attempted once, in 1991, Elmendorf said. But as state housing targets ramp up, a Santa Monica developer recently <a href="https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-24/santa-monica-housing-apartment-boom" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">submitted a plan to build 4,500 units using the builder’s remedy,</a> which would be more housing than Santa Monica has built in the past decade. (A “stunned” <a href="https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2022-10-24/santa-monica-housing-apartment-boom" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Santa Monica councilmember called the plan “beyond the pale.”</a>)

San Francisco YIMBYs are already strategizing around the obscure law. If the city misses a key February deadline to get its housing plan, called the Housing Element, approved by the state, local developers <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/state-housing-probe-begins-as-sf-races-to-meet-key-deadline/">may have a window early next year to bypass city government in one fell swoop.</a>

San Francisco YIMBYs are already strategizing around the obscure law. If the city misses a key February deadline to get its housing plan, called the Housing Element, approved by the state, local developers <a href="https://sfstandard.com/housing-development/state-housing-probe-begins-as-sf-races-to-meet-key-deadline/">may have a window early next year to bypass city government in one fell swoop.</a>

“All we need is for a billionaire like Sam Altman to propose building a 100-story tower on his Russian Hill property and create 100 new affordable units,” said Barak Gila, a software developer whose side passion is YIMBY activism.

“All we need is for a billionaire like Sam Altman to propose building a 100-story tower on his Russian Hill property and create 100 new affordable units,” said Barak Gila, a software developer whose side passion is YIMBY activism.

Builders increasingly don’t feel the need to play ball with city officials, Elmendorf said.

Builders increasingly don’t feel the need to play ball with city officials, Elmendorf said.

“There are now a variety of ways in which a developer does not need to rely on their close and possibly corrupt relations to build housing,” he said. “I’m hearing this anecdotally from lawyers who are saying they are starting to see developers who are moving towards ‘I’m going to stand on my rights’ and are comfortable going head-to-head with hostile city councils.”

“There are now a variety of ways in which a developer does not need to rely on their close and possibly corrupt relations to build housing,” he said. “I’m hearing this anecdotally from lawyers who are saying they are starting to see developers who are moving towards ‘I’m going to stand on my rights’ and are comfortable going head-to-head with hostile city councils.”

<h2 class="wp-block-heading">NIMBY to YIMBY Pipeline</h2>

Ironically, it might be the case that soon YIMBYs won’t even need to circumvent local politicians. For up-and-coming politicians, running on a pro-housing platform is starting to look like table stakes.

Ironically, it might be the case that soon YIMBYs won’t even need to circumvent local politicians. For up-and-coming politicians, running on a pro-housing platform is starting to look like table stakes.

Mayor London Breed speaks at a press conference promoting affordable housing in San Francisco at City Hall, on Oct. 29, 2022. Housing advocates and members of the Carpenters Union of San Francisco were there in support of Proposition D. | Camille Cohen/The Standard

<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/YIMBYmaturation_INLINED07.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-88162"/><figcaption>Mayor London Breed speaks at a press conference promoting affordable housing at San Francisco City Hall on Oct. 29, 2022. Housing advocates and members of the Carpenters Union of San Francisco were there in support of Proposition D. | Camille Cohen/The Standard</figcaption></figure>

Earlier this year, former Supervisor Matt Haney—who had opposed various housing initiatives earlier on—adopted a pro-housing stance to trounce his opponent in a race for an open state Assembly seat. The candidates shared virtually identical platforms except on housing, and <a href="https://therealdeal.com/sanfrancisco/2022/04/20/pro-housing-stance-credited-for-haney-victory/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">many credited that for his victory</a>.

Earlier this year, former Supervisor Matt Haney—who had opposed various housing initiatives earlier on—adopted a pro-housing stance to trounce his opponent in a race for an open state Assembly seat. The candidates shared virtually identical platforms except on housing, and <a href="https://therealdeal.com/sanfrancisco/2022/04/20/pro-housing-stance-credited-for-haney-victory/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">many credited that for his victory</a>.

In the upcoming November election, candidates for city supervisor are beginning to follow suit. Sunset District representative Gordon Mar, who <a href="https://twitter.com/sfyimby/status/1202658381095268352">has been one of the loudest opponents of YIMBY legislation</a> in the past, says his views have evolved. He <a href="https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/housing-the-issue-roiling-san-franciscos-sunset-district/article_3c1bd46a-f3f5-11ec-9b03-fff825a383e3.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">pushed back against opposition to a 100% affordable</a> building proposal in his district, and <a href="https://yimbyaction.org/blog/2018/08/14/gordon-mar/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">sought the local YIMBY endorsement</a> for his campaign.

In the upcoming November election, candidates for city supervisor are beginning to follow suit. Sunset District representative Gordon Mar, who <a href="https://twitter.com/sfyimby/status/1202658381095268352">has been one of the loudest opponents of YIMBY legislation</a> in the past, says his views have evolved. He <a href="https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/housing-the-issue-roiling-san-franciscos-sunset-district/article_3c1bd46a-f3f5-11ec-9b03-fff825a383e3.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">pushed back against opposition to a 100% affordable</a> building proposal in his district, and <a href="https://yimbyaction.org/blog/2018/08/14/gordon-mar/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">sought the local YIMBY endorsement</a> for his campaign.

&#8220;I agree with the goal that they have, but I feel that their analysis is overly simplistic,  especially the belief that continuing to overproduce luxury condos in San Francisco will somehow result in the housing that’s needed for families, essential workers and seniors,&#8221; he said.

"I agree with the goal that they have, but I feel that their analysis is overly simplistic, especially the belief that continuing to overproduce luxury condos in San Francisco will somehow result in the housing that’s needed for families, essential workers and seniors," he said.

&#8220;I agree with the goal that they have, but I feel that their analysis is overly simplistic, especially the belief that continuing to overproduce luxury condos in San Francisco will somehow result in the housing that’s needed for families, essential workers and seniors,&#8221; he said.

Meanwhile in SoMa, where most of the city’s new housing is built, the <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/district-6-candidates-out-yimby-themselves-at-pro-housing-debate/">top two candidates are competing to out-YIMBY each other</a>.

Meanwhile in SoMa, where most of the city’s new housing is built, the <a href="https://sfstandard.com/politics/district-6-candidates-out-yimby-themselves-at-pro-housing-debate/">top two candidates are competing to out-YIMBY each other</a>.

For the YIMBYs, San Francisco’s housing gridlock had a silver lining attached, though: It gave their movement something to organize around.

For the YIMBYs, San Francisco’s housing gridlock had a silver lining attached, though: It gave their movement something to organize around.

“It makes people mad,” Trauss said. “It’s radicalizing, especially when San Francisco NIMBYs are unashamed and bold and making bad arguments.”

“It makes people mad,” Trauss said. “It’s radicalizing, especially when San Francisco NIMBYs are unashamed and bold and making bad arguments.”

YIMBYs ate the world—except for SF. Now its founders are up to new tricks

The Standard Staff

In thinking about the state of the local music scene, that old saw about the Marine Corps comes to mind: First to go, last to know.

In thinking about the state of the local music scene, that old saw about the Marine Corps comes to mind: First to go, last to know.

San Francisco venues like The Rickshaw Stop, DNA Lounge and Bottom of the Hill were among the first local institutions to shut down in March 2020. They’ll also be among the last to definitively say they’ve made it to the other side of the pandemic.

San Francisco venues like The Rickshaw Stop, DNA Lounge and Bottom of the Hill were among the first local institutions to shut down in March 2020. They’ll also be among the last to definitively say they’ve made it to the other side of the pandemic.

By the end of next week, the owners and operators of those three clubs, and many more throughout San Francisco and Oakland, will have a better view of what live music looks like <a href="https://sfstandard.com/public-health-safety/sf-doctors-risks-psychology-covid-california-endemic/">in the age of endemic Covid</a>. The Noise Pop Festival—which squeaked in just under the wire in February of 2020 and was cancelled entirely in 2021—returns for a 2022 run. Over the course of seven days, Feb. 21-27, artists such as Jeff Tweedy, Mae Powell and Blues Lawyer will draw fans out of their living rooms and into to 21 bars, concert halls and theaters across the city and the East Bay.

By the end of next week, the owners and operators of those three clubs, and many more throughout San Francisco and Oakland, will have a better view of what live music looks like <a href="https://sfstandard.com/public-health-safety/sf-doctors-risks-psychology-covid-california-endemic/">in the age of endemic Covid</a>. The Noise Pop Festival—which squeaked in just under the wire in February of 2020 and was cancelled entirely in 2021—returns for a 2022 run. Over the course of seven days, Feb. 21-27, artists such as Jeff Tweedy, Mae Powell and Blues Lawyer will draw fans out of their living rooms and into to 21 bars, concert halls and theaters across the city and the East Bay.

“We closed it down and unintentionally opened it back up,” Jordan Kurland, Noise Pop’s co-founder, quipped in an interview with The Standard last week. “It seems like this will be a really nice moment for people to out and see live music again.”

“We closed it down and unintentionally opened it back up,” Jordan Kurland, Noise Pop’s co-founder, quipped in an interview with The Standard last week. “It seems like this will be a really nice moment for people to out and see live music again.”

Of course, Noise Pop does not mark the very first time a show has been held over the past two&nbsp; years. Outside Lands hit Golden Gate Park in October of 2021, and many, if not all, of the venues hosting Noise Pop shows have been open for business for months now. However, this is the first week-long, all-indoor music festival in the city since the pandemic began, and it kicks off less than a week after San Francisco gave bars and restaurants the <a href="https://www.sfgate.com/coronavirus/article/California-lifting-mask-mandate-February-16917138.php">green light to stop requiring vaccinated individuals to mask up indoors</a>.

Of course, Noise Pop does not mark the very first time a show has been held over the past two&nbsp; years. Outside Lands hit Golden Gate Park in October of 2021, and many, if not all, of the venues hosting Noise Pop shows have been open for business for months now. However, this is the first week-long, all-indoor music festival in the city since the pandemic began, and it kicks off less than a week after San Francisco gave bars and restaurants the <a href="https://www.sfgate.com/coronavirus/article/California-lifting-mask-mandate-February-16917138.php">green light to stop requiring vaccinated individuals to mask up indoors</a>.

Headlined by Harlem rapper, singer and <a href="https://www.xxlmag.com/azealia-banks-text-messages-expose-julia-fox-kanye-west-breakup/">master shit-stirrer</a> Azealia Banks, the festival also features sets from indie darlings like (Sandy) Alex G and The Microphones, as well as hometown heroes like Tommy Guerrero, The Papercuts and <a href="https://sfstandard.com/arts-culture/music/high-hopes-in-lo-fi-paisley-shirt-records-champions-sfs-burgeoning-fog-pop-scene/">Chime School</a>. Also performing: avant-garde composer William Basinski, whose album series The Disintegration Loops is a seminal work of minimalist soundscaping and a potent metaphor for the fallibility of human memory.

Headlined by Harlem rapper, singer and <a href="https://www.xxlmag.com/azealia-banks-text-messages-expose-julia-fox-kanye-west-breakup/">master shit-stirrer</a> Azealia Banks, the festival also features sets from indie darlings like (Sandy) Alex G and The Microphones, as well as hometown heroes like Tommy Guerrero, The Papercuts and <a href="https://sfstandard.com/arts-culture/music/high-hopes-in-lo-fi-paisley-shirt-records-champions-sfs-burgeoning-fog-pop-scene/">Chime School</a>. Also performing: avant-garde composer William Basinski, whose album series The Disintegration Loops is a seminal work of minimalist soundscaping and a potent metaphor for the fallibility of human memory.

— Nick Veronin

<a href="https://noisepopfest.com/">Noise Pop Music &amp; Arts Festival</a>

<h4 class="has-text-align-center wp-block-heading" id="h-noise-pop-music-arts-festival"><a href="https://noisepopfest.com/">Noise Pop Music &amp; Arts Festival</a></h4>

<h4 class="has-text-align-center" id="h-noise-pop-music-arts-festival"><a href="https://noisepopfest.com/">Noise Pop Music &amp; Arts Festival</a></h4>

Various Locations, San Francisco &amp; East Bay Monday-Sunday, Feb. 21-27, Various Times&nbsp;| Various Prices

Various Locations, San Francisco &amp; East Bay Monday-Sunday, Feb. 21-27, Various Times&nbsp;| Various Prices

core/separator

<figure class="wp-block-image size-full"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Headshot3.jpeg" alt="" class="wp-image-38725"/><figcaption>Marquis Hill | Photo Todd Rosenberg</figcaption></figure>

<a href="https://blackcatsf.com/all-events/">Marquis Hill</a>

<h4 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-marquis-hill"><a href="https://blackcatsf.com/all-events/">Marquis Hill</a></h4>

<h4 id="h-marquis-hill"><a href="https://blackcatsf.com/all-events/">Marquis Hill</a></h4>

Black Cat, 400 Eddy St.&nbsp;&nbsp; Thursday-Saturday, Feb. 17-19 | $30+

Black Cat, 400 Eddy St.&nbsp;&nbsp; Thursday-Saturday, Feb. 17-19 | $30+

Analysis: Haney dominates Campos by shrewdly following shifting political winds

YIMBYs ate the world—except for SF. Now its founders are up to new tricks

This weekend: Noise Pop approaches, Marquis Hill, Chinese New Year Parade and more

Newsom announces $350M to battle ‘organized retail theft,’ like Union Square smash-and-grabs

Live blog: Connie Chan wins in D1, and other election updates

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Analysis: Haney dominates Campos by shrewdly following shifting political winds

YIMBYs ate the world—except for SF. Now its founders are up to new tricks

This weekend: Noise Pop approaches, Marquis Hill, Chinese New Year Parade and more

Newsom announces $350M to battle ‘organized retail theft,’ like Union Square smash-and-grabs

Live blog: Connie Chan wins in D1, and other election updates