Josh Koehn

<a href="https://sfstandard.com/search/?query=mark%20farrell">Mark Farrell</a>’s last stint as a public official concluded with a victory lap fit for a king.

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<a href="https://sfstandard.com/search/?query=mark%20farrell">Mark Farrell</a>’s last stint as a public official concluded with a victory lap fit for a king.

During his final year as a supervisor, Farrell spent thousands of dollars in campaign donors’ cash to frequent some of San Francisco’s swankiest bars and restaurants, treating money raised for an already-concluded Democratic Party race in a manner that ethics experts likened to a slush fund. Farrell also appears to have used a legal loophole while interim mayor to accept large chunks of money from special interest groups that would have been otherwise barred.

During his final year as a supervisor, Farrell spent thousands of dollars in campaign donors’ cash to frequent some of San Francisco’s swankiest bars and restaurants, treating money raised for an already-concluded Democratic Party race in a manner that ethics experts likened to a slush fund. Farrell also appears to have used a legal loophole while interim mayor to accept large chunks of money from special interest groups that would have been otherwise barred.

The Standard’s investigation into old campaign records filed by Farrell—who is now running to reclaim the Mayor’s Office—found that he used leftover money from a 2016 Democratic County Central Committee (DCCC) campaign to wine and dine unnamed constituents at more than three dozen meetings for meals. After being appointed mayor in early 2018, Farrell continued to tap into the campaign account while also using it to accept thousands of dollars from trash giant Recology and a friend’s restaurant—both of which had business with the city. Farrell then gave out coveted commission appointments to the restaurant owner and a Recology exec who <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/12/14/san-francisco-corruption-paul-giusti-sandra-zuniga-sentencing/">pleaded guilty to a bribery scheme</a>.

Why 2 defendants in San Francisco corruption probe avoided prison time

The Standard’s investigation into old campaign records filed by Farrell—who is now running to reclaim the Mayor’s Office—found that he used leftover money from a 2016 Democratic County Central Committee (DCCC) campaign to wine and dine unnamed constituents at more than three dozen meetings for meals. After being appointed mayor in early 2018, Farrell continued to tap into the campaign account while also using it to accept thousands of dollars from trash giant Recology and a friend’s restaurant—both of which had business with the city. Farrell then gave out coveted commission appointments to the restaurant owner and a Recology exec who <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/12/14/san-francisco-corruption-paul-giusti-sandra-zuniga-sentencing/">pleaded guilty to a bribery scheme</a>.

Multiple campaign ethics experts contacted for this story said they were surprised by the number of gastronomic outings Farrell took and the opaqueness around who attended, especially given his past ethics issues. In 2016, Farrell paid a record fine of $25,000 after his first supervisor campaign was found to have <a href="https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/SF-Ethics-Commission-slashes-fine-for-Farrell-9981935.php">illegally coordinated with a committee</a> funded by real estate magnate Thomas Coates and socialite and philanthropist Dede Wilsey.

Multiple campaign ethics experts contacted for this story said they were surprised by the number of gastronomic outings Farrell took and the opaqueness around who attended, especially given his past ethics issues. In 2016, Farrell paid a record fine of $25,000 after his first supervisor campaign was found to have <a href="https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/SF-Ethics-Commission-slashes-fine-for-Farrell-9981935.php">illegally coordinated with a committee</a> funded by real estate magnate Thomas Coates and socialite and philanthropist Dede Wilsey.

“Given that history, it is rational for the public and the press to scrutinize his record,” said Sean McMorris, an expert on campaign ethics and transparency for California Common Cause. “Who were these people [at the meals]? Was their business campaign-related?”&nbsp;

“Given that history, it is rational for the public and the press to scrutinize his record,” said Sean McMorris, an expert on campaign ethics and transparency for California Common Cause. “Who were these people [at the meals]? Was their business campaign-related?”&nbsp;

Lawmaker spent $75K in campaign cash on 49ers, Giants, Warriors tix

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Several active members of the DCCC told The Standard that leftover campaign funds for a seat on the local party are generally used to help pay off debts to staff, fund travel for Democratic Party functions and pay for civic events and organizations.

Several active members of the DCCC told The Standard that leftover campaign funds for a seat on the local party are generally used to help pay off debts to staff, fund travel for Democratic Party functions and pay for civic events and organizations.

In contrast, from late 2016 through March 2018, Farrell’s DCCC campaign picked up more than $7,400 in tabs for meals and drinks at Spruce, Swig, Bix, Novela, Balboa Cafe, The Beer Hall, Bob’s Steak &amp; Chop House, Izzy’s Steak &amp; Chop House, Fat Angel Food &amp; Libation—the list goes on for more than three-dozen meetings with “DCCC constituents” whom Farrell has declined to identify.&nbsp;

In contrast, from late 2016 through March 2018, Farrell’s DCCC campaign picked up more than $7,400 in tabs for meals and drinks at Spruce, Swig, Bix, Novela, Balboa Cafe, The Beer Hall, Bob’s Steak &amp; Chop House, Izzy’s Steak &amp; Chop House, Fat Angel Food &amp; Libation—the list goes on for more than three-dozen meetings with “DCCC constituents” whom Farrell has declined to identify.&nbsp;

Mayoral candidate Mark Farrell addresses the crowd at the second mayoral debate, held at UC Law in San Francisco on Monday, June 17th, 2024.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/20240614-secondmayoraldebate-ac-461.jpg?w=2500" alt="A man in a dark suit and white shirt is giving a speech, gesturing with one hand up. A flag is seen in the background, and a presentation slide is partially visible." class="wp-image-284212"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell declined to identify who he met with for more than three dozen meals while using money from his Democratic Party campaign account.</figcaption></figure>

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<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/20240614-secondmayoraldebate-ac-461.jpg?w=2500" alt="A man in a dark suit and white shirt is giving a speech, gesturing with one hand up. A flag is seen in the background, and a presentation slide is partially visible." class="wp-image-284212"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell declined to identify who he met with for more than three dozen meals while using money from his Democratic Party campaign account.</figcaption></figure>

Many of the restaurants and bars Farrell frequented have closed since the start of the pandemic, but The Standard obtained an itemized receipt from a $1,511.62 dinner Farrell held at Michelin-starred restaurant The Progress to thank DCCC volunteers. According to the receipt, the dinner occurred the night of Dec. 14, 2017—a year and a half after his DCCC victory and just two days after the death of Mayor Ed Lee, which eventually led to Farrell’s appointment as mayor.

Many of the restaurants and bars Farrell frequented have closed since the start of the pandemic, but The Standard obtained an itemized receipt from a $1,511.62 dinner Farrell held at Michelin-starred restaurant The Progress to thank DCCC volunteers. According to the receipt, the dinner occurred the night of Dec. 14, 2017—a year and a half after his DCCC victory and just two days after the death of Mayor Ed Lee, which eventually led to Farrell’s appointment as mayor.

Items Farrell and company ordered at The Progress included: two bottles of Tassin Champagne; two bottles of heritage blend from Bedrock winery in Sonoma; one bottle of chardonnay from Massican Hyde Vineyard in Napa; eight tasting menus at $78 apiece; two cappuccinos; and one sparkling water. The receipt noted eight meals were served while Farrell’s campaign report said the party featured the candidate and 11 unnamed guests.

Items Farrell and company ordered at The Progress included: two bottles of Tassin Champagne; two bottles of heritage blend from Bedrock winery in Sonoma; one bottle of chardonnay from Massican Hyde Vineyard in Napa; eight tasting menus at $78 apiece; two cappuccinos; and one sparkling water. The receipt noted eight meals were served while Farrell’s campaign report said the party featured the candidate and 11 unnamed guests.

It’s unclear if Farrell was paying for the table or only himself on other occasions, as Farrell began reimbursing himself directly starting with a meal charged on Christmas Eve 2017, according to campaign filings. He did not report the location of almost a third of his expensed meals, which totaled more than $1,900 in charges.

It’s unclear if Farrell was paying for the table or only himself on other occasions, as Farrell began reimbursing himself directly starting with a meal charged on Christmas Eve 2017, according to campaign filings. He did not report the location of almost a third of his expensed meals, which totaled more than $1,900 in charges.

Additional charges for Farrell’s DCCC campaign committee, which had more than $56,000 in remaining funds at the start of 2017, show that he kept the account open to: reimburse his wife, Liz, for $440 in office expenses; purchase more than $1,200 of office supplies from Walgreens in just two purchases; buy more than $1,000 worth of office furniture; and rack up a $195 bill at Bed Bath &amp; Beyond in a transaction inexplicably labeled as a meeting.

Additional charges for Farrell’s DCCC campaign committee, which had more than $56,000 in remaining funds at the start of 2017, show that he kept the account open to: reimburse his wife, Liz, for $440 in office expenses; purchase more than $1,200 of office supplies from Walgreens in just two purchases; buy more than $1,000 worth of office furniture; and rack up a $195 bill at Bed Bath &amp; Beyond in a transaction inexplicably labeled as a meeting.

Farrell’s campaign told The Standard that he did not recall who attended all of the meals and he does not have a calendar documenting the meetings. Farrell’s spokesperson said the furniture was used in his supervisor office.

Farrell’s campaign told The Standard that he did not recall who attended all of the meals and he does not have a calendar documenting the meetings. Farrell’s spokesperson said the furniture was used in his supervisor office.

Mark Farrell, a former San Francisco mayor and supervisor, formally announce his candidacy at the San Francisco Baseball Academy at 3010 Geary Boulevard in San Francisco on Tuesday, Feb. 13, 2024. Mark Farrell will challenge London Breed and other candidates in the November 2024 mayoral election.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/20240205farrellmayor012.jpg?w=2500" alt="Mark Farrell, wearing a suit and tie, smiles at a podium with microphones as his wife holds &quot;Mark Farrell for Mayor&quot; sign behind him." class="wp-image-249204"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell used campaign money to reimburse himself for thousands of dollars worth of meals while also giving his wife, Liz, money for unknown office expenses.</figcaption></figure>

Farrell’s $1,245 in charges for two Walgreens visits and a $440 reimbursement to his wife were likely for thank-you notes, envelopes, stamps and other supplies, according to campaign officials.

Farrell’s $1,245 in charges for two Walgreens visits and a $440 reimbursement to his wife were likely for thank-you notes, envelopes, stamps and other supplies, according to campaign officials.

“I followed the law around fundraising and spending at all times,” Farrell said in a statement. “All of the fundraising and expenses that I submitted were legitimate, vetted and approved by counsel.”

“I followed the law around fundraising and spending at all times,” Farrell said in a statement. “All of the fundraising and expenses that I submitted were legitimate, vetted and approved by counsel.”

A spokesperson for the state’s Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC) declined to comment for this story, instead pointing The Standard to state law on campaign funds being used to purchase meals. A local campaign committee can charge up to $200 for food and drinks as long as the charge is reasonably related to a political, legislative or governmental purpose. However, if the charge exceeds $200, “the expense must be directly related to one of these purposes,” such as a campaign fundraiser or a meeting to discuss a change in city policy.

A spokesperson for the state’s Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC) declined to comment for this story, instead pointing The Standard to state law on campaign funds being used to purchase meals. A local campaign committee can charge up to $200 for food and drinks as long as the charge is reasonably related to a political, legislative or governmental purpose. However, if the charge exceeds $200, “the expense must be directly related to one of these purposes,” such as a campaign fundraiser or a meeting to discuss a change in city policy.

David Campos, a former chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, said that when people have money left over in their officeholder accounts, they are normally asked to donate money to the party to help with voter registration. Campos said he did not recall Farrell donating money or furniture to the Democratic Party following the 2016 election.

David Campos, a former chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, said that when people have money left over in their officeholder accounts, they are normally asked to donate money to the party to help with voter registration. Campos said he did not recall Farrell donating money or furniture to the Democratic Party following the 2016 election.

“I would hope the FPPC takes a look at all of the things you’re reporting on in terms of campaign expenditures,” Campos said.

“I would hope the FPPC takes a look at all of the things you’re reporting on in terms of campaign expenditures,” Campos said.

The statute of limitations on Farrell’s DCCC campaign spending has expired at this point. However, in narrow circumstances, the statute of limitations can be extended if a candidate or officeholder is found to have concealed a campaign violation.

The statute of limitations on Farrell’s DCCC campaign spending has expired at this point. However, in narrow circumstances, the statute of limitations can be extended if a candidate or officeholder is found to have concealed a campaign violation.

Peter Gallotta, a member of the DCCC since 2017, said that Farrell’s spending appears to be a “clear abuse” of his officeholder account.

Peter Gallotta, a member of the DCCC since 2017, said that Farrell’s spending appears to be a “clear abuse” of his officeholder account.

“They’re not personalized ATM accounts for people,” Gallotta said. “I think it’s shameful to raise money and then use that money for wining and dining. It erodes public trust.”

“They’re not personalized ATM accounts for people,” Gallotta said. “I think it’s shameful to raise money and then use that money for wining and dining. It erodes public trust.”

<h2 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-oysters-and-trash-money">Oysters and trash money</h2>

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<h2 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-oysters-and-trash-money">Oysters and trash money</h2>

By keeping his DCCC campaign account active after the 2016 election, Farrell was able to continue accepting money from restricted sources that could give well above the $500 contribution limit for supervisor and mayor campaigns.

By keeping his DCCC campaign account active after the 2016 election, Farrell was able to continue accepting money from restricted sources that could give well above the $500 contribution limit for supervisor and mayor campaigns.

Near the end of March 2018, Farrell accepted a $5,000 contribution from a political action committee for the city’s trash company, Recology, and a $2,500 payment from <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/10/san-francisco-nightlife-meet-citys-bar-crawl-king/">Mayes Oyster House</a>, one of San Francisco’s oldest restaurants. Mayes Oyster House had business before the Planning Commission about a week before making the contribution.

Meet San Francisco’s bar crawl king who bet big on city’s nightlife—and won

Near the end of March 2018, Farrell accepted a $5,000 contribution from a political action committee for the city’s trash company, Recology, and a $2,500 payment from <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/10/san-francisco-nightlife-meet-citys-bar-crawl-king/">Mayes Oyster House</a>, one of San Francisco’s oldest restaurants. Mayes Oyster House had business before the Planning Commission about a week before making the contribution.

Farrell’s campaign said he did not solicit contributions from Recology and Mayes Oyster House, and he had no role in the Planning Commission’s unanimous vote to allow the restaurant to remain open every night until 2 a.m. That same week, Farrell stepped down from the DCCC.

Farrell’s campaign said he did not solicit contributions from Recology and Mayes Oyster House, and he had no role in the Planning Commission’s unanimous vote to allow the restaurant to remain open every night until 2 a.m. That same week, Farrell stepped down from the DCCC.

However, in one of Farrell’s final acts as mayor in June 2018, he appointed one of the restaurant’s owners, Matt Corvi, to a seat on the city’s Small Business Commission. The two men now serve on the board of the Olympic Club Foundation, which is connected to the private golf and social club that has hosted multiple U.S. Opens.

However, in one of Farrell’s final acts as mayor in June 2018, he appointed one of the restaurant’s owners, Matt Corvi, to a seat on the city’s Small Business Commission. The two men now serve on the board of the Olympic Club Foundation, which is connected to the private golf and social club that has hosted multiple U.S. Opens.

Corvi told The Standard in a phone interview that he runs the operations at Oyster Mayes House and had no idea the business had given money to the campaign of Farrell, whom he called a friend.

Corvi told The Standard in a phone interview that he runs the operations at Oyster Mayes House and had no idea the business had given money to the campaign of Farrell, whom he called a friend.

“Honestly, I was not in charge of finances at that time,” Corvi said. “I had two partners and I never wrote checks.”

“Honestly, I was not in charge of finances at that time,” Corvi said. “I had two partners and I never wrote checks.”

Owner Matt Corvi poses for a portrait outside of Mayes Oyster House in San Francisco, Calif., on Friday, August 12, 2022.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/RestaurantHaveNots-169.jpg?w=2500" alt="Matt Corvi man in a grey jacket stands with arms crossed in front of Mayes Oyster House restaurant, featuring a red facade and vintage neon sign." class="wp-image-68102"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mayes Oyster House owner Matt Corvi received an appointment to the city’s Small Business Commission in June 2018, three months after his business gave $2,500 to Mark Farrell&#8217;s Democratic Party campaign account</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/RestaurantHaveNots-169.jpg?w=2500" alt="Matt Corvi man in a grey jacket stands with arms crossed in front of Mayes Oyster House restaurant, featuring a red facade and vintage neon sign." class="wp-image-68102"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mayes Oyster House owner Matt Corvi received an appointment to the city’s Small Business Commission in June 2018, three months after his business gave $2,500 to Mark Farrell's Democratic Party campaign account</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/RestaurantHaveNots-169.jpg?w=2500" alt="Matt Corvi man in a grey jacket stands with arms crossed in front of Mayes Oyster House restaurant, featuring a red facade and vintage neon sign." class="wp-image-68102"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mayes Oyster House owner Matt Corvi received an appointment to the city’s Small Business Commission in June 2018, three months after his business gave $2,500 to Mark Farrell&#8217;s Democratic Party campaign account</figcaption></figure>

David Latterman, a longtime political analyst in San Francisco, suggested that Recology’s contribution to Farrell deserves even more scrutiny after the company was found to be deeply enmeshed in a <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/08/04/players-in-san-francisco-corruption-scandal-mohammed-nuru/">City Hall corruption scandal</a> that led to numerous arrests and Recology being <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2022/01/11/sf-investigates-recology-for-more-overbilling-after-95-million-payout-tied-to-corruption-scandal/">fined $100 million</a> in a rate-hike scheme.

San Francisco corruption scandal: A guide to the players involved

Recology faces new overbilling probe after $95 million payout tied to City Hall corruption scandal

David Latterman, a longtime political analyst in San Francisco, suggested that Recology’s contribution to Farrell deserves even more scrutiny after the company was found to be deeply enmeshed in a <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/08/04/players-in-san-francisco-corruption-scandal-mohammed-nuru/">City Hall corruption scandal</a> that led to numerous arrests and Recology being <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2022/01/11/sf-investigates-recology-for-more-overbilling-after-95-million-payout-tied-to-corruption-scandal/">fined $100 million</a> in a rate-hike scheme.

Records show that when Farrell was mayor, he nominated Paul Giusti—a former Recology exec who <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/12/14/san-francisco-corruption-paul-giusti-sandra-zuniga-sentencing/">admitted to arranging more than $1 million in bribes</a>—for a reappointment to the Treasure Island Development Authority a little more than a week after the $5,000 contribution went into Farrell’s DCCC campaign account.

Records show that when Farrell was mayor, he nominated Paul Giusti—a former Recology exec who <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/12/14/san-francisco-corruption-paul-giusti-sandra-zuniga-sentencing/">admitted to arranging more than $1 million in bribes</a>—for a reappointment to the Treasure Island Development Authority a little more than a week after the $5,000 contribution went into Farrell’s DCCC campaign account.

“That needs to be looked at,” Latterman said. “It certainly raises eyebrows. Recology has been a thorn in the side of the city ethics-wise for years.”

“That needs to be looked at,” Latterman said. “It certainly raises eyebrows. Recology has been a thorn in the side of the city ethics-wise for years.”

A <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24784441-city-ethics-commission-study-of-mark-farrells-behested-payments_dated-november-9-2020">report by the city’s Ethics Commission</a> in 2020 found that Farrell acted as an intermediary for $882,500 in “behested payments,” which are donations from private entities that Farrell passed along to the Parks Alliance, a nonprofit that disgraced former Public Works director Mohammed Nuru used as a slush fund in the City Hall corruption scandal. Farrell’s wife served as the chair of the Parks Alliance’s board of trustees during his time as a supervisor, and records show that Farrell helped with $35,000 in behested payments on behalf of Recology.

A <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24784441-city-ethics-commission-study-of-mark-farrells-behested-payments_dated-november-9-2020">report by the city’s Ethics Commission</a> in 2020 found that Farrell acted as an intermediary for $882,500 in “behested payments,” which are donations from private entities that Farrell passed along to the Parks Alliance, a nonprofit that disgraced former Public Works director Mohammed Nuru used as a slush fund in the City Hall corruption scandal. Farrell’s wife served as the chair of the Parks Alliance’s board of trustees during his time as a supervisor, and records show that Farrell helped with $35,000 in behested payments on behalf of Recology.

The Ethics Commission report from 2020 noted that some of the behested payments Farrell made were timed closely to lobbyist contacts he had with AT&amp;T, Facebook and the San Francisco Realtors Association. In the case of AT&amp;T, Farrell introduced legislation that would have benefited the telecoms giant by preventing landlords from interfering with a tenant’s choice of internet service providers.

The Ethics Commission report from 2020 noted that some of the behested payments Farrell made were timed closely to lobbyist contacts he had with AT&amp;T, Facebook and the San Francisco Realtors Association. In the case of AT&amp;T, Farrell introduced legislation that would have benefited the telecoms giant by preventing landlords from interfering with a tenant’s choice of internet service providers.

In response to emailed questions about behested payments and the $5,000 contribution to Farrell’s DCCC campaign, Recology issued a statement saying the company “instituted a robust set of compliance practices” in the wake of the corruption scandal and no longer makes behested payments or contributes to elected officials’ campaigns in San Francisco.

In response to emailed questions about behested payments and the $5,000 contribution to Farrell’s DCCC campaign, Recology issued a statement saying the company “instituted a robust set of compliance practices” in the wake of the corruption scandal and no longer makes behested payments or contributes to elected officials’ campaigns in San Francisco.

“A lot has changed at Recology in five years,” Recology spokesperson Robert Reed wrote in an email to The Standard. “We have a new CEO, a new leadership team, and new management at our San Francisco operations.”

“A lot has changed at Recology in five years,” Recology spokesperson Robert Reed wrote in an email to The Standard. “We have a new CEO, a new leadership team, and new management at our San Francisco operations.”

A screen capture of Recology Executive Paul Giusti talking at the Commission on the Environment in San Francisco on Tuesday, October 10, 2017. Paul Giusti cooperated with the Federal Government in the Mohammed Nuru case.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/20231212-guistizunigapreview-006.jpg?w=882" alt="Paul Giusti, a bald man in a pink shirt, speaks into a microphone in a room filled with seated people. Some attendees are paying attention, while others are focused on their own activities." class="wp-image-229963"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Paul Giusti, a former Recology executive who pleaded guilty for a bribery scandal, was nominated for a reappointment to the Treasure Island Development Authority after the trash company gave Mark Farrell’s Democratic Party campaign $5,000.</figcaption></figure>

Farrell’s campaign opponents said his unorthodox use of his DCCC account deserved scrutiny from voters.

Farrell’s campaign opponents said his unorthodox use of his DCCC account deserved scrutiny from voters.

“Mark’s growing list of ethics scandals is catching up to him and exposing why San Francisco can’t afford to give him another shot,” said Tyler Law, a consultant for the campaign of mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie. “Mark is literally invested in keeping the status quo.”

“Mark’s growing list of ethics scandals is catching up to him and exposing why San Francisco can’t afford to give him another shot,” said Tyler Law, a consultant for the campaign of mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie. “Mark is literally invested in keeping the status quo.”

Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who is also running for mayor, said that Farrell’s liberal spending on meals and drinks with unknown individuals—as well as expenses Farrell paid directly to himself while taking money from special interests like Recology—should be thoroughly examined.

Supervisor Aaron Peskin, who is also running for mayor, said that Farrell’s liberal spending on meals and drinks with unknown individuals—as well as expenses Farrell paid directly to himself while taking money from special interests like Recology—should be thoroughly examined.

“It begs the question why someone who is receiving a lucrative mayor’s salary was nickel and diming the garbage company to pay for his meals and extravagances,” Peskin said. “It certainly is not the hallmark of the kind of leadership that San Francisco deserves.”

“It begs the question why someone who is receiving a lucrative mayor’s salary was nickel and diming the garbage company to pay for his meals and extravagances,” Peskin said. “It certainly is not the hallmark of the kind of leadership that San Francisco deserves.”

Peskin and Breed both had DCCC campaign committees in 2016, but the manner in which they used these accounts appears to differ greatly in scope from Farrell. Peskin had a zero balance by the end of 2016, while Breed—who was serving as the president of the Board of Supervisors at that time—spent the bulk of her expenditures on Democratic Party travel, office expenses and civic events like the Pride Parade.

Peskin and Breed both had DCCC campaign committees in 2016, but the manner in which they used these accounts appears to differ greatly in scope from Farrell. Peskin had a zero balance by the end of 2016, while Breed—who was serving as the president of the Board of Supervisors at that time—spent the bulk of her expenditures on Democratic Party travel, office expenses and civic events like the Pride Parade.

Breed had almost $9,000 in debt from her DCCC campaign at the end of 2016, which kicked off a fundraising drive the next year to bring in about $74,000. In total, she spent money on nine meals—three of which were for campaign staff and volunteer events, while the other six were noted as staff meals. The total cost came to just under $2,500.

Breed had almost $9,000 in debt from her DCCC campaign at the end of 2016, which kicked off a fundraising drive the next year to bring in about $74,000. In total, she spent money on nine meals—three of which were for campaign staff and volunteer events, while the other six were noted as staff meals. The total cost came to just under $2,500.

“How can the voters trust Mark Farrell to run San Francisco, if his default setting is habitually breaking the law for his personal benefit?” asked Joe Arellano, a spokesperson for Breed’s campaign.

“How can the voters trust Mark Farrell to run San Francisco, if his default setting is habitually breaking the law for his personal benefit?” asked Joe Arellano, a spokesperson for Breed’s campaign.

McMorris, of California Common Cause, said it’s unfortunate that many people have become conditioned to think campaign finance and ethics laws are less important than other laws because of the way <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/06/17/matt-haney-campaign-49ers-warriors-broadway-tickets/">lifestyle expenses</a> are routinely baked into campaigns.

McMorris, of California Common Cause, said it’s unfortunate that many people have become conditioned to think campaign finance and ethics laws are less important than other laws because of the way <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/06/17/matt-haney-campaign-49ers-warriors-broadway-tickets/">lifestyle expenses</a> are routinely baked into campaigns.

“You’re not robbing a bank or holding someone up, but these are important laws and I wish people would take them more seriously,” McMorris said. “They are part of our Democratic foundation.”

“You’re not robbing a bank or holding someone up, but these are important laws and I wish people would take them more seriously,” McMorris said. “They are part of our Democratic foundation.”

Mark Farrell lived large on campaign cash while mayor, supervisor

On a recent Friday afternoon, <a href="https://sfstandard.com/search/?query=chris%20larsen">Chris Larsen</a> sat behind the wheel of a gunmetal Porsche 918 Spyder, zipping through the Broadway Tunnel. The car—top speed: 214 mph; cost: more than $1 million—gave off distinct Batmobile vibes with its raised roof and nostrils-flared front paneling. It’s the kind of ride one might expect from a crypto billionaire in a hurry, and on a mission.

On a recent Friday afternoon, <a href="https://sfstandard.com/search/?query=chris%20larsen">Chris Larsen</a> sat behind the wheel of a gunmetal Porsche 918 Spyder, zipping through the Broadway Tunnel. The car—top speed: 214 mph; cost: more than $1 million—gave off distinct Batmobile vibes with its raised roof and nostrils-flared front paneling. It’s the kind of ride one might expect from a crypto billionaire in a hurry, and on a mission.

But this automotive swagger could also describe Larsen’s aggressive approach to reshaping San Francisco. Over the last six years, the founder of Ripple Labs has become a gravitational force in city politics, funding surveillance cameras and shelling out millions for candidates and causes he supports—and dropping the weight of his checkbook on those he opposes.

But this automotive swagger could also describe Larsen’s aggressive approach to reshaping San Francisco. Over the last six years, the founder of Ripple Labs has become a gravitational force in city politics, funding surveillance cameras and shelling out millions for candidates and causes he supports—and dropping the weight of his checkbook on those he opposes.

Larsen doled out more than $1 million for the March 5 election, including $750,000 to support two of Mayor London Breed’s ballot measures: one to force welfare recipients suspected of drug addiction into treatment; and another to bolster public safety, which included giving cops greater access to surveillance tools like drones and license-plate readers. Both propositions passed easily.

Larsen doled out more than $1 million for the March 5 election, including $750,000 to support two of Mayor London Breed’s ballot measures: one to force welfare recipients suspected of drug addiction into treatment; and another to bolster public safety, which included giving cops greater access to surveillance tools like drones and license-plate readers. Both propositions passed easily.

In less than a decade, Larsen has channeled more than $3.6 million total into San Francisco politics, plus millions more toward state and federal campaigns—almost all to Democrats. He has given six-figure contributions to moderate groups like GrowSF, Abundant SF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, while also helping supervisor candidates and tossing massive sums into ballot measures on housing, homelessness and public transit.&nbsp;

In less than a decade, Larsen has channeled more than $3.6 million total into San Francisco politics, plus millions more toward state and federal campaigns—almost all to Democrats. He has given six-figure contributions to moderate groups like GrowSF, Abundant SF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, while also helping supervisor candidates and tossing massive sums into ballot measures on housing, homelessness and public transit.&nbsp;

Larsen is in rarified air even for the San Francisco rich who are fueling <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/02/16/san-francisco-mark-farrell-mayor-race-fundraising/">record political spending</a> in a bid to upend the status quo and transform local governance. Heading into November, his top goal is helping Mayor London Breed overcome her floundering poll numbers to win reelection.&nbsp;

Breed challenger hauls in $200K in first 2 days of campaign

Larsen is in rarified air even for the San Francisco rich who are fueling <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2024/02/16/san-francisco-mark-farrell-mayor-race-fundraising/">record political spending</a> in a bid to upend the status quo and transform local governance. Heading into November, his top goal is helping Mayor London Breed overcome her floundering poll numbers to win reelection.&nbsp;

“She’s taken this city through the most hellacious years,” Larsen said, referencing Breed’s handling of the pandemic and fallout from the police killing of George Floyd in 2020. “The social justice protests, riots—whatever you want to call them—she held the city together.”

“She’s taken this city through the most hellacious years,” Larsen said, referencing Breed’s handling of the pandemic and fallout from the police killing of George Floyd in 2020. “The social justice protests, riots—whatever you want to call them—she held the city together.”

San Francisco Mayor London Breed takes a knee for eight minutes and forty six seconds in honor of George Floyd at City Hall on Tuesday, June 9, 2020, in San Francisco. Black Lives Matter demonstrations continued in the wake of the death of George Floyd, who was killed in Minneapolis police custody. | Santiago Mejia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined03_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=1615" alt="Mayor London Breed kneels on the ground in front of the City Hall entrance, as people hold protest signs in the background." class="wp-image-261135"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s work to keep the city together during social justice protests in 2020 helped her win Chris Larsen&#8217;s respect—and his financial support. </figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined03_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=1615" alt="Mayor London Breed kneels on the ground in front of the City Hall entrance, as people hold protest signs in the background." class="wp-image-261135"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s work to keep the city together during social justice protests in 2020 helped her win Chris Larsen's respect—and his financial support. </figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined03_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=1615" alt="Mayor London Breed kneels on the ground in front of the City Hall entrance, as people hold protest signs in the background." class="wp-image-261135"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s work to keep the city together during social justice protests in 2020 helped her win Chris Larsen&#8217;s respect—and his financial support. </figcaption></figure>

Exactly how much money Larsen will pour into November is unknown, but he’s clearly invested in Breed. In 2021, he quietly plunked down more than $42,000 to cover the mayor’s ethics fine and attorney fees connected, in part, to gifts she received from key players involved in a <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/08/04/players-in-san-francisco-corruption-scandal-mohammed-nuru/">City Hall corruption scandal</a>.

Exactly how much money Larsen will pour into November is unknown, but he’s clearly invested in Breed. In 2021, he quietly plunked down more than $42,000 to cover the mayor’s ethics fine and attorney fees connected, in part, to gifts she received from key players involved in a <a href="https://sfstandard.com/2023/08/04/players-in-san-francisco-corruption-scandal-mohammed-nuru/">City Hall corruption scandal</a>.

The money flowing from Larsen and other wealthy tech execs in the city has agitated concerns that billionaires are winning an auction for San Francisco’s soul.

The money flowing from Larsen and other wealthy tech execs in the city has agitated concerns that billionaires are winning an auction for San Francisco’s soul.

Larsen and others in the centrist camp of Democratic politics in San Francisco openly admit they intend to leverage newly gained control of the local party to win a majority of seats on the Board of Supervisors and reform the city charter, giving Breed—or perhaps one of her rivals—more executive powers over department heads and policymaking commissions.

Larsen and others in the centrist camp of Democratic politics in San Francisco openly admit they intend to leverage newly gained control of the local party to win a majority of seats on the Board of Supervisors and reform the city charter, giving Breed—or perhaps one of her rivals—more executive powers over department heads and policymaking commissions.

“We need to get rid of the bureaucracy that’s holding everything back,” Larsen said. “Give the mayor the power. And then if they screw up, toss them out.”

“We need to get rid of the bureaucracy that’s holding everything back,” Larsen said. “Give the mayor the power. And then if they screw up, toss them out.”

<h2 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-a-trump-like-candidate-for-mayor">A ‘Trump-like’ candidate for mayor</h2>

Any shortcomings of Breed’s administration, Larsen said, should be laid at the feet of an obstructionary Board of Supervisors. He blames the “far left” for the toxicity of San Francisco politics, but he also believes that tech and business interests will no longer be cowed into submission by progressive activists.&nbsp;

Any shortcomings of Breed’s administration, Larsen said, should be laid at the feet of an obstructionary Board of Supervisors. He blames the “far left” for the toxicity of San Francisco politics, but he also believes that tech and business interests will no longer be cowed into submission by progressive activists.&nbsp;

“That’s really fundamentally changed,” Larsen said. “The attacks? It seems like paper tigers, frankly.”

“That’s really fundamentally changed,” Larsen said. “The attacks? It seems like paper tigers, frankly.”

Larsen contends that anything other than a Breed victory in November would put San Francisco in a worse position. Aaron Peskin, the progressive president of the board and a presumed candidate for mayor, presents a doomsday scenario for moderates if they were able to achieve all of their goals this year but lose the Mayor’s Office.

Larsen contends that anything other than a Breed victory in November would put San Francisco in a worse position. Aaron Peskin, the progressive president of the board and a presumed candidate for mayor, presents a doomsday scenario for moderates if they were able to achieve all of their goals this year but lose the Mayor’s Office.

“If [Peskin] were to become mayor … that would be catastrophic, because he’s just a divisive, anti-housing figure,” said Larsen, who added that he used to be neighbors with the supervisor when he lived near Telegraph Hill. “He’s just all the bad stuff that we’ve been living through: the architect of this bureaucracy.”

“If [Peskin] were to become mayor … that would be catastrophic, because he’s just a divisive, anti-housing figure,” said Larsen, who added that he used to be neighbors with the supervisor when he lived near Telegraph Hill. “He’s just all the bad stuff that we’ve been living through: the architect of this bureaucracy.”

Peskin declined to comment for this story.

Peskin declined to comment for this story.

Larsen suggested that candidate Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and wealthy heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, lacks the experience to deal with the “swamp.” Meanwhile, Larsen’s greatest animus is reserved for Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor who is tacking to the right of Breed. Farrell has talked tough about clearing homeless encampments within a year, firing the police chief and putting more cops on the street.

Larsen suggested that candidate Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and wealthy heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, lacks the experience to deal with the “swamp.” Meanwhile, Larsen’s greatest animus is reserved for Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor who is tacking to the right of Breed. Farrell has talked tough about clearing homeless encampments within a year, firing the police chief and putting more cops on the street.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/20240205farrellmayor008.jpg?w=2500" alt="A man at a podium with a &quot;Mark Farrell for Mayor&quot; sign and supporters behind him." class="wp-image-249200"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell&#8217;s effort to unseat Mayor London Breed in the 2024 election has made him a target of crypto billionaire Chris Larsen, who supports the incumbent.</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/20240205farrellmayor008.jpg?w=2500" alt="A man at a podium with a &quot;Mark Farrell for Mayor&quot; sign and supporters behind him." class="wp-image-249200"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell's effort to unseat Mayor London Breed in the 2024 election has made him a target of crypto billionaire Chris Larsen, who supports the incumbent.</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/20240205farrellmayor008.jpg?w=2500" alt="A man at a podium with a &quot;Mark Farrell for Mayor&quot; sign and supporters behind him." class="wp-image-249200"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Mark Farrell&#8217;s effort to unseat Mayor London Breed in the 2024 election has made him a target of crypto billionaire Chris Larsen, who supports the incumbent.</figcaption></figure>

“Mark Farrell and his BS about he’s just going to come in and magically wave his wand, I mean, it’s Trump-like lying about that stuff,” Larsen said. “That guy is just an opportunist. He’ll say anything. Where was he during the pandemic, by the way?”

“Mark Farrell and his BS about he’s just going to come in and magically wave his wand, I mean, it’s Trump-like lying about that stuff,” Larsen said. “That guy is just an opportunist. He’ll say anything. Where was he during the pandemic, by the way?”

Larsen added: “I get mad at the progressives. They want to label everybody ‘right-wing’ that opposes them. But with a Mark Farrell, that is what you’re going to get. He’s basically a Republican running for mayor.”

Larsen added: “I get mad at the progressives. They want to label everybody ‘right-wing’ that opposes them. But with a Mark Farrell, that is what you’re going to get. He’s basically a Republican running for mayor.”

Jade Tu, Farrell’s campaign manager, said that Larsen should be “ashamed of himself” for comparing Farrell, a lifelong Democrat, to Donald Trump. She accused Larsen of “gaslighting” while noting his support of far-left District Attorney Chesa Boudin. 

Jade Tu, Farrell’s campaign manager, said that Larsen should be “ashamed of himself” for comparing Farrell, a lifelong Democrat, to Donald Trump. She accused Larsen of “gaslighting” while noting his support of far-left District Attorney Chesa Boudin.

Larsen dropped $115,000 in 2022 in an attempt to thwart the recall of Boudin—one of the most progressive prosecutors in the country and, ironically, a foil of Breed’s.&nbsp;

Larsen dropped $115,000 in 2022 in an attempt to thwart the recall of Boudin—one of the most progressive prosecutors in the country and, ironically, a foil of Breed’s.&nbsp;

DA Chesa Boudin addresses is supporters at The Ramp on Terry A Francois Blvd in San Francisco, Calif. on Tues. June 7, 2022. | Camille Cohen/The Standard

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/NEW-1-scaled.jpg?w=2500" alt="Chesa Boudin stands before a crowd, facing bright lights, holding a microphone." class="wp-image-53709"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Chesa Boudin, San Francisco&#8217;s former district attorney, received financial support from Chris Larsen during the 2022 recall, but the prosecutor was still ousted. | Camille Cohen/The Standard</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/NEW-1-scaled.jpg?w=2500" alt="Chesa Boudin stands before a crowd, facing bright lights, holding a microphone." class="wp-image-53709"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Chesa Boudin, San Francisco's former district attorney, received financial support from Chris Larsen during the 2022 recall, but the prosecutor was still ousted. | Camille Cohen/The Standard</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/NEW-1-scaled.jpg?w=2500" alt="Chesa Boudin stands before a crowd, facing bright lights, holding a microphone." class="wp-image-53709"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Chesa Boudin, San Francisco&#8217;s former district attorney, received financial support from Chris Larsen during the 2022 recall, but the prosecutor was still ousted. | Camille Cohen/The Standard</figcaption></figure>

“The one thing I will criticize [Boudin] on is he didn’t work enough with the mayor or with the police,” Larsen said by way of explanation. “That was kind of a lost opportunity.”

“The one thing I will criticize [Boudin] on is he didn’t work enough with the mayor or with the police,” Larsen said by way of explanation. “That was kind of a lost opportunity.”

But he quickly pivoted, giving money to District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who actively worked to recall her predecessor.

But he quickly pivoted, giving money to District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who actively worked to recall her predecessor.

“Chris Larsen is backing the status quo, failed leadership and a mayor with over a 70% disapproval rating,” Tu said. “Good luck with that.”

“Chris Larsen is backing the status quo, failed leadership and a mayor with over a 70% disapproval rating,” Tu said. “Good luck with that.”

<h2 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-finding-security-in-surveillance">Finding security in surveillance</h2>

As far as eccentric billionaires go, Larsen has a little Bruce Wayne in him. The earnest yet enigmatic 63-year-old entrepreneur was born in San Francisco before growing up in a tract home in Cupertino. He was the middle child of a United Airlines mechanic father and a freelance artist mother who fled Nazi Germany during World War II.

As far as eccentric billionaires go, Larsen has a little Bruce Wayne in him. The earnest yet enigmatic 63-year-old entrepreneur was born in San Francisco before growing up in a tract home in Cupertino. He was the middle child of a United Airlines mechanic father and a freelance artist mother who fled Nazi Germany during World War II.

He watched his father—a union man “out of central casting,” Larsen said—grow angry and bitter over the way financial institutions put the screws to him when refinancing his home or applying for loans. This struggle shaped Larsen, who graduated from San Francisco State University before working as an accountant for Chevron and graduating from Stanford’s business school. He went on to launch startup companies E-Loan and Prosper, the latter of which focused on peer-to-peer lending.

He watched his father—a union man “out of central casting,” Larsen said—grow angry and bitter over the way financial institutions put the screws to him when refinancing his home or applying for loans. This struggle shaped Larsen, who graduated from San Francisco State University before working as an accountant for Chevron and graduating from Stanford’s business school. He went on to launch startup companies E-Loan and Prosper, the latter of which focused on peer-to-peer lending.

Over the years, Larsen mostly remained a quiet observer of local politics who donated millions to local causes with little fanfare. He founded Ripple Labs in 2012 and soon became one of the richest people in the world—in 2018, his net worth was estimated at $59 billion, but he is now worth a rather modest $3 billion.

Over the years, Larsen mostly remained a quiet observer of local politics who donated millions to local causes with little fanfare. He founded Ripple Labs in 2012 and soon became one of the richest people in the world—in 2018, his net worth was estimated at $59 billion, but he is now worth a rather modest $3 billion.

Chris Larsen, co-founder and executive chairman of Ripple, poses for a portrait at Ripple’s headquarters in San Francisco on Wednesday, Mar. 13, 2024. Larsen is a crypto billionaire who has drawn comparisons to the fictional Batman character Bruce Wayne for his aggressive approach to public safety in San Francisco and is viewed by some as an interloper intent on creating a surveillance state that mostly serves to advance his ambitions for greater wealth and control, while Larsen's supporters have called him a benevolent force for good in a city that has gone off the rails.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined08_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=2500" alt="Chris Larsen sits on a modular wooden bench in Ripple Labs’ office while surrounded by colorful cushions." class="wp-image-261140"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Chris Larsen serves as executive chairman of Ripple, but also spends considerable time working in other fields such as politics and climate change.</figcaption></figure>

It was in 2016, when Larsen said that multiple property crimes occurred at his family’s home in Russian Hill, that he became more animated about San Francisco politics.

It was in 2016, when Larsen said that multiple property crimes occurred at his family’s home in Russian Hill, that he became more animated about San Francisco politics.

En route to the airport, Larsen’s father-in-law parked his car by the family’s home near the Lombard Street steps for a quick visit. “He comes into the house for two minutes, and his luggage is cleaned out,” Larsen recalled. Not long after, a person hopped over the fence around Larsen’s yard and tried to break into the house, he said.

En route to the airport, Larsen’s father-in-law parked his car by the family’s home near the Lombard Street steps for a quick visit. “He comes into the house for two minutes, and his luggage is cleaned out,” Larsen recalled. Not long after, a person hopped over the fence around Larsen’s yard and tried to break into the house, he said.

It’s not clear if Larsen filed police reports, but he met with then-District Attorney George Gascón&#8217;s team to share information about the incidents and the professional crews of thieves he suspected were targeting San Francisco.

It’s not clear if Larsen filed police reports, but he met with then-District Attorney George Gascón's team to share information about the incidents and the professional crews of thieves he suspected were targeting San Francisco.

It’s not clear if Larsen filed police reports, but he met with then-District Attorney George Gascón&#8217;s team to share information about the incidents and the professional crews of thieves he suspected were targeting San Francisco.

It’s a far cry from a ripped pearl necklace and an alleyway shooting that claimed Bruce Wayne’s parents in the Batman films, traumatizing the boy into a bat fetish, yet it’s clear the incidents spurred Larsen to become one of the most active political donors in city history.

It’s a far cry from a ripped pearl necklace and an alleyway shooting that claimed Bruce Wayne’s parents in the Batman films, traumatizing the boy into a bat fetish, yet it’s clear the incidents spurred Larsen to become one of the most active political donors in city history.

By that time, Larsen had already spent several years bankrolling security cameras around San Francisco. Today, more than 1,500 cameras—mostly managed by a half-dozen community benefit districts—now blanket neighborhoods like Union Square, Fisherman’s Wharf, Russian Hill, Japantown and the Tenderloin.&nbsp;&nbsp;

By that time, Larsen had already spent several years bankrolling security cameras around San Francisco. Today, more than 1,500 cameras—mostly managed by a half-dozen community benefit districts—now blanket neighborhoods like Union Square, Fisherman’s Wharf, Russian Hill, Japantown and the Tenderloin.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A homeless tent encampment along Willow Street in the Tenderloin neighborhood of San Francisco on Thursday, Jan. 19, 2024. Experts suggest that the pricing of Fentanyl is lower in San Francisco compared to Los Angeles and other major cities, pointing to the presence of a larger market and this may explain the increase in drug users coming to San Francisco.

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined05_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=2500" alt="An alley in the Tenderloin with tents, graffiti, a person and a dog in a homeless encampment." class="wp-image-261137"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Surveillance cameras are being installed in blocks across the Tenderloin after Chris Larsen donated money to the neighborhood&#8217;s community benefit district.</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined05_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=2500" alt="An alley in the Tenderloin with tents, graffiti, a person and a dog in a homeless encampment." class="wp-image-261137"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Surveillance cameras are being installed in blocks across the Tenderloin after Chris Larsen donated money to the neighborhood's community benefit district.</figcaption></figure>

<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img src="https://content.sfstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/inlined05_20240318chrislarsen.jpg?w=2500" alt="An alley in the Tenderloin with tents, graffiti, a person and a dog in a homeless encampment." class="wp-image-261137"/><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Surveillance cameras are being installed in blocks across the Tenderloin after Chris Larsen donated money to the neighborhood&#8217;s community benefit district.</figcaption></figure>

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